Indian Dalit Muslims' Voice

Bihar Muslim-Dalit movement dying ?

dalitmuslims — Mon, 07 Sep 2009 14:24:37 +0000

By IRSHADUL HAQUE, PATNA

Is the Pasmanda Dalit-Muslim movement dying premature and set to repeat the history of early 60s? This question is back with another tragedy within the movement. The current fight for empowerment of Pasmanda Muslim would end up the same way as what happened under the leadership of Abdul Qaum Ansari.

Ansari’s Momin movement was one of the strongest for the rights of Dalit-Muslim seen in post-independent India but it died, thanks to the vested interest of the leadership.

Soon after Ansari secured a berth of minister in the Congress-led govt. and became busy with power politics, the movement was deserted. Some old people with the movement blamed the leadership thereby weakening the movement. Nearly after half century,the movement faces more or less similar situation.

Power corrupts: Earlier, Ali Anwar got the gift of Rajya Sabha berth and now Dr. Ejaj Ali followed the way of Ali Anwar.

In 1993-1994, two separate, but aimed at single goal, Muslim-Dalit movement emerged under the leadership of Ali Anwar and Dr. Ejaj Ali. Journalist-turned social activist Ali Anwar and his colleagues had started a movement named Pasmanda Tahreek under the banner of All-India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz (AIPMM) but a surgeon, Dr. Ejaj Ali, launched All-India Backward Muslim Morcha which changed its name All-India United Muslim Morcha (AIUMM).

These two movements have successfully been mobilising the extremely marginalised sections of Muslim-Dalit. But the point is the Muslim leadership does not take lesson from history which proves that if you run after power, it will be suicidal for the movement. And these two leaders — Ali Anwar and Ejaj Ali — did the same. They say “what we cannot do from outside parliament we can do better in the House”. Ali Anwar has been in parliament since two and half years and of course he has been raising the voice in the house but on the other hand he has lost the ground at the cost of house (parliament). After becoming MP his organisation has got divided into two. Organisational activities are almost dead.

Dr. Ejaj Ali, however, said:

I am not after power. What I only need is to get the benefit of Scheduled Castes for Dalit Muslims. Whenever I will feel that as an MP I am not able to do justice for our cause, I will give it up.

Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar cunningly offered the Rajya Sahba seat for both to weaken his arch rival, Lalu Prasad, monopoly-holder of Muslim vote bank, and secondly, he cut the roots of these leaders so that they cannot emerge as mass leaders of the Muslim-Dalit community like Kanshi Ram.

Kanshi Ram never begged for power, instead he used his guts to share the bag of power.

After “independence”, it was Abdul Qaum Ansari who mobilised the Backward Muslims under the Momin Tahreek (movement) proved to be a major challenge to the then Congress-led state government in Bihar. Ansari became a victim of Congress conspiracy. He was keen to ensure a cabinet berth rather than becoming the voice of voiceless marginalised Muslim community.

(Irshadul Haque could be contaced at irshad.haque@gmail.com )

This article first appeared in Dalit Voice, June 2008 Issue.

About IDMV

dalitmuslims — Mon, 07 Sep 2009 12:50:05 +0000

Indian Dalit Muslims Voice (IDMV) was launched on July 22, 2008 to provide a platform to discuss issues concerning Indian Dalit Muslims. The idea is to call upon, engage and connect to fellow Indian Dalit Muslims in a constructive dialogue about issues dear to them ranging from social exclusion, caste-based discrimination, ethnicity, religious status, their progress from past till to date and in near future and hurdles on the path thereon.

To broaden the perspective on Indian Dalit Muslim’s rights and status by challenging the longstanding practice of unfairness and chauvinism. To overcome the ignorance in the knowledge pertaining to multidimensional issues of complex and patriarchy based Indian Muslim socio-cultural environment. To provide a definite and explicit voice to the Indian Dalit Muslims by articulating their concerns and distress towards restructuring their growth and development while synchronizing and maintaining a harmonious relationship with all other Indians. To establish a true and genuine Indian Dalit Muslims standpoint on various matters of concern on national front.

A piece of contribution from your side, will be highly appreciated. For any queries, regarding posting of articles relating to Indian Dalit Muslims on this blog, please contact ondalitmuslims@gmail.com.

Assembly ratifies SC, ST reservation Bill

dalitmuslims — Mon, 07 Sep 2009 11:37:00 +0000

Times of India, 6th September 2009

GUWAHATI: The state Assembly on Saturday ratified parliamentary approval of a constitutional amendment Bill extending reservation for Scheduled

Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) in Parliament and Assemblies by another 10 years.

The reservation for SC/STs in legislative bodies was first done in 1949 for 50 years. Later, it was extended for 10 years in 1999, the term of which expires in March 2010. The Rajya Sabha adopted the Constitution (109th Amendment) Bill 2009 on August 3 while Lok Sabha approved it on August 4. The measure also extends nomination of members of the Anglo-Indian community to the Lok Sabha and Assemblies by another decade.

Out of 543 Lok Sabha seats, 79 are reserved for SCs and 42 for STs. Of the 3,961 Assembly seats, 543 are reserved for SCs and 527 for STs.

The House discussed at length the extension of constitutional reservation for SCs and STs, which was tabled by chief minister Tarun Gogoi. Supporting the Bill, leader of the Opposition and AGP president Chandra Mohan Patowary said the government should initiate measures to check misuse of funds earmarked for the welfare of SCs and STs. He asked the government to take up the issue of granting ST status to six more communities from the state.

Other opposition legislators sought measures to contain social and political unrest, bring more groups under the SC/ST umbrella. They said the government should take steps to wipe out false caste certificate rackets in the state.

Dalit-Muslim Movement

dalitmuslims — Mon, 07 Sep 2009 11:17:00 +0000

By Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari

Published in Dalit Voice, 1-15 July 2009 Issue

We are proposing a directory of those promoting Dalit-OBC-Muslims issues, specially Dalit Muslims, their address, phone/mobile, fax, email and website address. Details of literature dealing with Dalit-Muslims problems and the contact details of its authors.

Our new blog, www.dalitmuslims.com, is the voice against upper caste atrocities.

Your suggestions to evolve a common agenda policy and strategies for an all-round upliftment of Dalit-Muslims are needed.

We want to unite all Dalits irrespective of their religion.

To promote reservation for Dalit-Muslim/OBC Muslim separately and for the Centre as well as States to amend the Constitution.

Fight the false argument of “unity” among Muslims against reservation for Dalits. Where is the unity among Muslims when Muslims as a whole suffer from socio-economic, educational and political backwardness?

The ruling/upper caste strategy to promote their interests and frustrate Dalit rights must be challenged. A great conspiracy has been hatched against all Dalits to deny justice to them.

For al political parties to see that the Sachar Committee and Ranganath Mishra Commission reports are implemented.

We are grateful to V.T. Rajshekar, Editor, Dalit Voice, Bangalore. Khalid Anis Ansari, Ashok Yadav, Irshadul Haque, Prof. Imtiaz Ahmad, Yoginder Sikand, Tanvir Salim, Kashif-Ul-Huda (editor twocircles.net), Masood Ahmed Falahi, Altaf Ahmad, Adv. Irfan Engg. and many others for supporting this cause.

(shahanshah.java@gmail.com, http://ww.dalitmuslims.com)

http://dalitvoice.org/Templates/july2009/articles.htm

विश्‍वास का धंधा

dalitmuslims — Sun, 06 Sep 2009 10:27:00 +0000

♦ प्रमोद रंजन

‘कानपुर में स्व नरेंद्र मोहन (दैनिक जागरण के मालिक) के नाम पर पुल का नामाकरण उस समय हुआ जब मैं उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार में मंत्री था। उनके मल्टीप्लैक्स को जमीन हमारे समय में दी गयी। जागरण का जो स्कूल चलता है और उनका जहां दफ्तर है उनकी जमीनें हमारे समय में उन्हें मिलीं। लेकिन यह सब मैंने किसी अपेक्षा में नहीं अपना मित्र धर्म निभाते हुए किया। फिर भी मेरे साथ ऐसा व्यवहार (खबर के लिए पैसे की मांग) हुआ। इतनी निर्लज्जता से चलेंगे तो कैसे चलेंगे रिश्‍ते?’
- लालजी टंडन, लखनऊ से भाजपा के विजयी लोस प्रत्याशी

‘दैनिक जागरण के मालिक को हमने वोट देकर सांसद बनाया था। वे बताएं वोट के बदले उनने हमें कितना धन दिया था? तब खबर के लिए हम धन क्यों दें?’
- मोहन सिंह, देवरिया से सपा के पराजित लोस प्रत्याशी

‘मैंने उषा मार्टिन (प्रभात खबर को चलाने वाली कंपनी) को भी कठोतिया कोल ब्लॉक दिया। प्रभात खबर को यह बताना चाहिए कि उसकी शर्तें क्या थीं। मैंने उनसे कितने पैसे लिए?’
- मधु कोड़ा, झारखंड के पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री, चाईबासा से निर्दलीय सांसद

मीडिया पर चुनावों के दौरान पक्षपात के आरोप लगते रहे हैं। इस तरह के आरोप प्रायः चुनाव हार गये दल और प्रत्याशी लगाते हैं। या फिर दलित-पिछड़े नेताओं की ब्राह्मण-बनिया प्रेस से शिकायतें रही हैं। इस तरह की आपत्तियों को खिसियानी बिल्ली का प्रलाप मान कर नजरअंदाज कर दिया जाता है। लेकिन इस बार किस्सा कुछ अलग है। इस बार शिकायत उन नेताओं को भी है जो चुनाव जीत गये हैं। नाराज वे भी हैं, जो कुछ समय पहले तक इसी मीडिया के खास थे। कारण?

इसका कारण सीधा है। बनिया, ब्राह्मण पर भारी पड़ा है। जो काम रिश्‍तों के आधार पर होता रहा था, उसके लिए अब अचानक दाम मांगा जाने लगा है।

पुल तुम्हारे नाम किया, जमीन दी, जनता के वोट से विधान सभा में पहुंचे तो अपना वोट देकर तुम्हें राज्यसभा में भेजा। आजीवन मित्र धर्म निभाया। तब भी यह अहसानफरामोशी?

वास्तव में यह पहली बार नहीं था जब चुनाव के दौरान अखबारों ने पैसा लेकर खबर छापी हो। पहले यह पैसा पत्रकारों की जेब में जाता था। अखबारों के प्रबंधन ने धीरे-धीरे इसे संस्थागत रूप देना शुरू किया। ज्ञात तथ्यों के अनुसार, छत्तीसगढ़ में वर्ष 1997 के विधानसभा चुनाव से इसकी शुरुआत हिंदी के दो प्रमुख मीडिया समूहों ने की थी। उस चुनाव में 25 हजार रुपये का पैकेज प्रत्याशी के लिए तय किया गया था, जिसमें एक सप्ताह की दौरा-रिपोर्टिंग, तीन अलग-अलग दिन विज्ञापन के साथ मतदान वाले दिन प्रत्याशी का इंटरव्यू प्रकाशित करने का वादा शामिल था। उसके बाद के सालों में हिमाचल प्रदेश, पंजाब, चंडीगढ़, हरियाणा, राजस्थान आदि में चुनावों के दौरान यह संस्थागत भ्रष्‍टाचार पैर पसारता गया। उत्तर प्रदेश और बिहार जैसे राजनैतिक रूप से सचेत राज्यों में अखबारों को इस मामले में फूंक-फूंक कर कदम रखना पड़ा।

संस्थागत रूप (जिसमें पैसा सीधे प्रबंधन को जाता है) से उत्तरप्रदेश में अखबारों ने पहली बार उगाही वर्ष 2007 के विधानसभा चुनाव में की। वैश्विक आर्थिक मंदी के बीच वर्ष 2009 के लोकसभा चुनाव में उगाही की यह प्रणाली बिहार पहुंची।

इस चुनाव में बिहार-झारखंड में हिंदुस्तान ने ‘बिकी हुई’ खबरों के नीचे ‘एचटी मीडिया इनिशिएटिव’ लिखा तो प्रभात खबर ने ‘पीके मीडिया इनिशिएटिव’। दैनिक जागरण ने बिकी हुई खबरों का फांट कुछ बदल दिया। (अस्पष्‍ट अर्थ वाले इन शब्दों अथवा बदले हुए फॉन्‍ट से पता नहीं वे पाठकों को धोखा देना चाहते थे या खुद को?)। इस सीधी वसूली पर कुछ प्रमुख नेताओं ने जब पैसे वसूलने वाले समाचार पत्रों के मालिकों से संपर्क किया तो उनका उत्तर था -जब हमारा संवाददाता उपहार या पैसे लेकर खबरें लिखता है तो हम (मालिक) ही सीधे धन क्यों नहीं ले सकते?

बिहार में बबेला

खबरों के लिए धन की इस संस्थागत उगाही पर बबेला बिहार से शुरू हुआ। इस जागरूकता के लिए बिहार की तारीफ की जानी चाहिए। यद्यपि इस पर संदेह के पर्याप्त कारण भी मौजूद हैं।

तथ्य यह है कि बिहार में दैनिक जागरण, हिंदुस्तान, प्रभात खबर आदि के पत्रकारों द्वारा चुनाव के दौरान स्थानीय स्तर पर वसूली के किस्से आम रहे हैं। झारखंड में तो अखबार चुनावों के दौरान अपना पुराना हिसाब भी चुकता करते रहे हैं। लेकिन ऊंचे तबके (ऊंची जाति/ऊंची शिक्षा/संपादकों से मित्र धर्म का निर्वाह करने वाले) राजनेताओं से अदना पत्रकार मोल-भाव की हिमाकत नहीं करते। इस कोटि के नेताओं का मीडिया मैनेजमेंट वरिष्‍ठ पत्रकार, स्थानीय संपादक आदि करते हैं जबकि मीडिया के उपहास, उपेक्षा और भेदभाव की पीड़ा पिछड़े राजनेताओं (नीची जाति/ कम शिक्षित/ गंवई) के हिस्से में रहती है।

लेकिन इस बार? अखबार मालिकों ने तो सब धान साढ़े बाइस पसेरी कर डाला। टके सेर भाजी, टके सेर खाजा!

विरोध का धंधा

इस अंधेर को प्रभात खबर के प्रधान संपादक हरिवंश ने ‘खबरों का धंधा’ कहा तो जनसत्ता के पूर्व संपादक प्रभाष जोशी ने ‘खबरों के पैकेज का काला धंधा’। जबकि प्रभात खबर भी इस मामले में शामिल था।

प्रभाष जोशी ने बांका जाकर जदयू के बागी, लोकसभा के निर्दलीय प्रत्याशी दिग्विजय सिंह के पक्ष में आयोजित जनसभा को संबोधित किया था। उनके साथ प्रभात खबर के प्रधान संपादक हरिवंश भी थे। बाद में श्री जोशी ने अपने लेख में दिग्विजय सिंह का ‘मीडिया प्रबंधन’ कर रहे एक पत्रकार की डायरी के हवाले से इस चुनाव में मीडिया के ‘पैकेज के काले धंधे की’ कठोर भर्त्‍सना की। जोशी का यह लेखकीय साहस प्रशंसनीय है किंतु उनके लेख में विस्तार से उद्धृत की गयी पत्रकार की डायरी कुछ ज्यादा भेदक प्रसंगों को भी सामने लाती है। श्री जोशी ने इस डायरी के हवाले से सिर्फ पैसों के लेन-देन की निंदा की। अन्य तथ्यों पर उन्होंने कोई ध्‍यान नहीं दिया।

श्री जोशी द्वारा कोट की गयी डायरी का अंश -

‘20 अप्रैल, 2009: आज एक प्रमुख दैनिक के स्थानीय प्रतिनिधि अपने विज्ञापन इंचार्ज के साथ आये। संवाददाता कह रहे थे – मैंने खबर भेजी थी, पर वहां एक जाति विशेष के संपादक हैं। छापेंगे नहीं। यानी पैकेज के बिना अखबार में खिड़की-दरवाजे नहीं खुलेंगे।’

‘21 अप्रैल, 2009: एक पत्रकार ने अपने स्थानीय संपादक को बताया कि उसकी खबरें छपनी क्यों जरूरी हैं। स्थानीय संपादक एक जाति विशेष का था और एक दबंग उम्मीदवार भी संपादक की जाति का था। इस पत्रकार ने संपादक को समझाया कि हमने उससे डील की तो जाति समीकरण बिगड़ सकता है। दूसरे उम्मीदवार जो मंत्री हैं, उनके बारे में कहा कि वे सरकारी विज्ञापन दिलवाते रहेंगे। उनसे क्या लेन-देन करना। दिल्ली में खूब पहचान रखनेवाले एक उम्मीदवार के बारे में कहा कि जब उनसे मिलने गया, तो वे फोन पर… (अखबार के मालिक से) बात कर रहे थे। उनसे क्या पैकेज लिया जाए।’

जाति, पद और परिचय पर आधारित पत्रकारिता का फर्रुखाबादी खेल उपरोक्त उद्धरणों में स्पष्‍ट है, जिसे पत्रकारिता पर जारी बहस के दौरान नज़रअंदाज़ कर दिया गया है। पत्रकारिता का यह पतन वैश्विक मंदी के कारण वर्ष 2009 में अचानक घटित होने वाली घटना नहीं है। जातिजीवी संपादक व पत्रकार इसे वर्षों इस ओर धकेलते रहे हैं। वस्तुतः पैकेज ने जातिजीवी संपादकों की मुट्ठी में कैद अखबारों के खिड़की-दरवाज़े सभी जाति के धनकुबेरों के लिए खोल दिये हैं। इसमें संदेह नहीं कि अखबारों का चुनावी पैकेज बेचना बुरा है। लेकिन अधिक बुरा है पत्रकारिता में जाति धर्म और मित्र धर्म का निर्वाह।

व्यावहारिक दृष्टि से देखा जाए तो…

चुनावों के दौरान खबरों की बिक्री पिछले लगभग एक दशक से चल रही है। इसने अखबारों की विश्‍वसनीयता गिरायी है। लेकिन पैसा लेकर छापी गयी खबर की बदौलत शायद ही किसी प्रत्याशी की जीत हुई हो। उत्तरप्रदेश में वर्ष 2007 के विधानसभा चुनाव में तीन समाचार पत्रों ने सरेआम धन लेकर खबर छापने का अभियान चलाया था और करोड़ों रुपये की अवैध उगाही की थी। समाचार पत्रों के जरिये अपनी छवि सुधारने वाले राजनीतिक दलों ने इन समाचार पत्रों को विज्ञापन देकर भी पैसा पानी की तरह बहाया। परंतु इनके चुनावी सर्वेक्षण व आकर्षक समाचार भी मतदाताओं का रुझान नहीं बदल सके और विज्ञापन पर सबसे कम धन खर्च करने वाली बहुजन समाज पार्टी को पूर्ण बहुमत मिल गया। अखबारों की विश्‍वसनीयता की हालत यह हो गयी कि प्रत्याशी अब पक्ष में खबर छापने के बजाय कोई खबर न छापने के लिए पैसे देने लगे हैं। बदनामी इतनी हो चुकी है कि पक्ष में खबर छपने पर मतदाताओं द्वारा ‘उलटा मतलब’ निकाले जाने की आशंका रहती है।

पत्रकारिता के मूल्यों में ऐसे भयावह क्षरण से नुकसान दलित, पिछड़ों की राजनैतिक ताकतों, वाम आंदोलनों तथा प्रतिरोध की उन शक्तियों को भी हुआ है, जो इसके प्रगतिशील तबके से नैतिक और वैचारिक समर्थन की उम्मीद करते हैं। मीडिया के ब्राह्मणवादी पूंजीवाद ने इन्हें उपेक्षित, अपमानित और बुरी तरह दिग्भ्रमित भी किया है। लेकिन मीडिया की गिरती विश्‍वसनीयता पर जाहिर की जा रही चिंता का कारण यह नहीं है। उन्हें चिंता है कि – ‘यदि मीडिया की ताकत ही नहीं रहेगी तो कोई अख़बार मालिक किसी सरकार को किसी तरह प्रभावित नहीं कर सकेगा। फिर उसे अखबार निकालने का क्या फायदा मिलेगा? यदि साख नष्‍ट हो गयी तो कौन सा सत्ताधारी नेता, अफसर या फिर व्यापारी मीडिया की परवाह करेगा? इसलिए व्यवहारिक दृष्टि से देखा जाए तो यह अखबार के संचालकों के हक में है कि छोटे-मोटे आर्थिक लाभ के लिए पैकेज पत्रकारिता को बढ़ावा न दें।’

व्यावहारिकता का यह तकाज़ा पूंजीवाद से मनुहार करता है कि वह ब्राह्मणवाद से गठजोड़ बनाये रखे। कौड़ी-दो-कौड़ी के लिए इस गठबंधन को नष्‍ट न करे। सलाह स्पष्‍ट है अगर हम पहले की तरह गलबहियां डाल चलते रहें तो ज़्यादा फायदे में रहेंगे। सरकार, अफसर, व्यापार सब रहेंगे हमारी मुट्ठी में। अभी लोकतंत्र की तूती बोल रही है। इसलिए वह क्षद्म बनाये रखना ज़रूरी है, जिससे बहुसंख्यक आबादी का विश्‍वास हम पर बना रहे। मीडिया की ‘विश्‍वसनीयता’ बनाये रखना इनके लिए ‘समय का तकाजा’ है।

(Pramod Ranjan could be contaced at pramodrnjn@gmail.com)

BJP’s Muslim leaders: Their induction in party is an RSS strategy

dalitmuslims — Sat, 05 Sep 2009 20:00:00 +0000

By Kulsum Mustafa,

Eyesores or cynosures, they are for keeps. The saffron robed Muslim leaders are now an inseparable part of the Hindutava campaigner Bharatiya Janata Party. And it is not by chance but because of a well thought-out Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) strategy that these ‘opportunist Muslim’ leaders have been allowed to prosper in the party.

Periodic news about a move to show the door to two senior national Muslim leaders and former ministers of BJP – Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi (Uttar Pradesh) and Shahnawaz Hussain (Bihar) turn out to be nothing but mere speculation. The two had been ‘strategically’ inducted into the saffron party, not by the BJP but by the parent RSS. Removing them now after they have spent years in the BJP is almost unthinkable and against the strategy.

As for Husain and Naqvi, after spending over two decades in the party there is no political life for them outside the BJP. The so-called secular parties like the Congress, Bahujan Samaj Party, Samajwadi Party cannot afford to touch them even with a barge pole.

It was Vishwa Hindu Parishad senior leader and former Member of Parliament, Ram Vilas Vedanti who kicked up the issue. Known for his strong anti-Muslim views, he suggested that the two ‘show boys” from the minority community be shown the door. According to him they have proved to be a big hurdle to Hindus accepting the party whole-heartedly.

Vedanti suggested this as the BJP evaluated the party’s poor performance in the general elections held in the country in May 2009. The VHP leader felt that the expulsion would be greatly welcomed by the majority community as it would lead to the ‘purification of the party’. Vedanti is said to have substantiated his views by saying that the BJP’s very formation was meant to protect the rights of the Hindus and the presence of Muslim members proved to be a big hindrance to attaining this goal.

A great supporter of Pilibhit MP Varun Gandhi, who whipped up an anti-Muslim hysteria, Vedanti said that Varun’s wings were clipped at the instance of these Muslim leaders in the party. Vedanti has demanded the resignation of party president Rajnath Singh for his lack of support to the Hindu cause. He demanded that Gandhi be given charge of BJP in Uttar Pradesh.
He said BJP will get mass support if it openly declares that it will ensure the construction of Ram temple at Ayodhya not due to any court order but because it is the will and the wish of the Hindu majority in the country.

But though many may have shared Vendanti’s views none would speak out considering that a strong and concentrated move is on by the BJP to garner the support of the Muslims towards the BJP.

Rashtriya Muslim Manch (RMM) – an outfit set up in Delhi under the guidance of senior Hindu leader Indrish – has been especially created for the purpose. Headed by Mohammed Afzal, it is housed at the residence of senior BJP leader and ex-Union minister Satyanarain Jatiya. Former Central Haj committee chairman Tanvir Ahmed is a member of this body. The sole purpose of RMM is to project a good face of the BJP among the Muslims.

RSS only makes the obvious more clear. If Naqvi and Husain need the BJP, the BJP needs them even more.

Courtesy:
Twocircles.net

CIC, govt at odds over sensitive minority report

dalitmuslims — Sat, 05 Sep 2009 06:55:00 +0000

Subodh Ghildiyal, TNN 5 September 2009

NEW DELHI: The Central Information Commission and the minority affairs ministry are at loggerheads over the Ranganath Mishra Commission reportwhich has recommended that SC status be extended to Muslims and Christians.

The minority affairs ministry (MoMA), which has kept the report “secret” for two years, is peeved over a CIC order that it be given to an interested person, threatening a confrontation.

Sources said an unwilling MoMA may move the Delhi High Court against the full-bench directive of CIC.

While UPA’s sensitivity over the report by Justice Mishra, who headed the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, appears strange, there is a growing belief that it is aimed to keep the controversial demand of `reservation for minorities’ out of public debate.

This when minority affairs minister Salman Khursheed has said that quota on religious ground was not admissible under the Constitution. The government also seems against SC status for dalit converts.

Given the nature of NCRLM’s recommendations, it is feared that making the report public could bring pressure on the government. A decision is not easy given its repercussions on the dalit population as well as the implications it will have on 50% ceiling on reservations.

The NCRLM had suggested that dalit status, presently limited to Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs, be extended to Muslims and Christians. It recommended that the clause in Constitution (SCs) Order of 1950 which links SC status to religion be dropped.

Besides giving SC status to converts, NCRLM also recommended that minorities be given reservation in jobs, education and government schemes.

The NCRLM report is seen as politically combustible. UPA has chosen to steer clear of it ever since it was submitted. Its stock response to demands that the report be made public has been that it was being examined.

Though the plea for not giving the report under RTI has been that it is still to be tabled in Parliament, it is seen as an excuse. In fact, sources said, the ministry has not even taken a decision if the report was to be tabled in Parliament.

The drama over the report reached a climax when MoMA refused to give its copy to National Commission for SCs. The Centre had sought the Buta Singh-headed panel’s opinion on whether SC status could be given to Muslims and Christians and the latter wanted to study NCRLM’s recommendations to firm up its view.

If there is an explanation, sources said it is the Centre’s keenness to avoid a sensitive quota issue after UPA’s experience with myriad quota demands in its last regime.

Dilemmas of Defeat: Whither BJP?

dalitmuslims — Sat, 05 Sep 2009 06:46:00 +0000

By Ram Puniyani

The humiliating electoral defeat continues to dodge the BJP. In quick succession lot of things are happening, old pillars are crumbling, earlier cracks are on display with bigger clarity and those who joined the party in the hope of basking in the glory of power are deserting. In the process a lot of things which were slightly hidden are becoming glaringly obvious.

After Jaswant Singh was expelled from the party he talked about certain incidents which show the true nature of the party and the major political personalities involved. Later some of these points were confirmed by Arun Shourie, Brajesh Mishra and Company. The first point which strikes an observer is that it is the nature of people who have come out with statements. First in the row was Yashwant Sinha, then Jaswant Singh, followed by Arun Shourie, another one, Sudheendra Kulkarni, was prompt enough to leave the party. What is common about them is that they all are not having RSS background. Most of BJP leaders, trained in RSS shakhas kept mum on the reasons for defeat and state of disarray in the party. Sushma Swaraj is an exception anyway, as women are not allowed to be members of RSS. Some of the beans which were spilled during the process are very revealing.

Jaswant Singh pointed out, later confirmed by Arun Shourie, that Vajpayee wanted to sack Modi when the Gujarat carnage was on. It was Advani who blocked it. It reflects as much on Advani as on Vajpayee. When Vajpayee raised the issue of dealing with Modi, Advani retorted that if that is done there will be bawal, severe turmoil, in the party. As they went for the Goa meeting Modi offered to resign and as if on a cue most of the top brass of the party attending the meeting opposed it. After he realized that most of the party is with Modi in executing the anti minority carnage, Vajpayee changed his tune and said those words, which subtly went in for Modi’s defense, The words were, …but Godhra also happened! This episode shows that while Advani was hard core in supporting Modi line of violence against minorities, most the party stood by Modi, endorsing his violence and making him a Hero. This is what happens when one is trained by RSS, trained in ‘Hate minority’ sentiments. The character of most of the BJP top brass is there for all to see. But what about Vajpayee, he talks of action against Modi and when he sees that most of the party is for supporting what is going in Gujarat, he goes on to give a hidden justification for what Modi was doing. Not only that he made a weak willed attempt to resign but was ‘easily persuaded’ to stay on. The swayasevak, the RSS soul in his body, was alive and kicking and he went on to serve the full term.

Advani’s lies about Kandhar episode do not need further criticizing the person, who driven by the ambition to show his iron man character, kept lying to the whole nation, that much about his leadership qualities. He is not alone in this. Earlier at one point of time Vajpayee had also claimed to be the part of freedom movement and having gone to jail for the same during 1942 Quit India movement. This lie was exposed by two journalists of Frontline, but this has not become so known to the public mind. Vajpayee had been mistaken to be the participant of Quit India agitation by the police and arrested. After his arrest Vajpayee clarified in a letter written to the authorities that he was not part of the procession; agitation but was a mere onlooker to the procession organized by the youth who were part of the national movement. On this ground he sought his release from jail and he was duly released. So in that sense, what Advani has done is not something which the earlier top BJP leader has not done. The cash for votes scam also shows very clearly as to what low level BJP can stoop for the sake of power.

Now despite the fact that the BJP is in tatters, it will not die. The reason is, BJP has been a mere political arm of RSS. At most of the crucial junctures RSS has been controlling BJP from behind the scene. The only difference is that now all is in the open. To begin with majority of BJP workers, leaders are from RSS background, totally indoctrinated in the ideology of ‘Hate Minorities’, in the ideology of Hindu nation. The statement of Shourie that RSS should take over BJP is a bit complex. Shourie must know that as a BJP member he is mostly amidst RSS workers, barring few. On the top of that RSS always keeps a watchful eye on what its subordinate organizations are doing and keeps coordinating their activities. Its agenda is clear, to bring in Hindu Rashtra over a period of time.

Since the electoral debacle, many a commentators said that BJP can give up Hindutva and survive as a rightwing opposition. Such a suggestion has no place in the real politic, as BJP is nothing but a political child of RSS. It has autonomy to work in the given framework, the framework laid out by RSS. While the current RSS Sarsanghchalak says that BJP will decide its own policies that statement is merely something from the World of make-believe. As things are becoming clearer RSS has taken a total and direct charge of the tottering party.

What is the trajectory for future? For some time, with RSS imprints being very direct, the other NDA allies will opt to remain aloof from NDA and BJP. As happened in 1996 all the opposition parties refused to touch it even with barge pole. They came around the next time as it emerged as the big party and lured by the power, they hung on to BJP. It is likely that despite all its efforts BJP will become a marginal national outfit for quite some time.

It does prevail in the form of its power through states, where it is implementing Hindutva agenda with full vigor. It is also likely that it will try to build itself more through states than at national level. Till RSS is alive BJP will be there, goes without saying. The only difference will be the speed of infiltration of RSS agenda of Hindutva by infiltration in the state machinery, media and education will become slightly slower than usual.

(Ram Puniyani could be contacted at ram.puniyani@gmail.com)

वाईएसआर की मौत पर खड़े होंगे कई सवाल

dalitmuslims — Fri, 04 Sep 2009 08:52:00 +0000

राजशेखर रेड्डी की मौत से प्रदेश और देश के लोग जितने दुखी होंगे उससे कई गुना अधिक दुख कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष सोनिया गांधी को होगा. यह दूसरी बार है जब सोनिया गांधी का अति विश्वसनीय पार्टी नेता हवाई दुर्घटना का शिकार हुआ है. इससे पहले 30 सितंबर 2001 को कानपुर जाते हुए सेसना हेलिकाप्टर के दुर्घटनाग्रस्त हो जाने से माधवराव सिंधिया की मौत हो गयी थी. माधवराव सिंधिया की मौत पार्टी के लिए जितनी नुकसानदेह थी उससे अधिक व्यक्तिगत रूप से सोनिया गांधी के लिए पीड़ित करनेवाली थी क्योंकि वाईएसआर की ही तरह माधवराव सिंधिया भी सोनिया गांधी के अति विश्वसनीय कांग्रेसी नेता थे.

सोनिया गांधी को किसी अनहोनी की आशंका थी शायद इसीलिए बुधवार की रात को ही उन्होंने दो केन्द्रीय मंत्रियों को आंध्र प्रदेश के लिए रवाना कर दिया था. लेकिन एयर ट्रैफिक कन्ट्रोलर के राडार से गायब हुए वाईएसआर के हेलिकाप्टर का पता चला तो उस भयानक आशंका को सच करते हुए कि हेलीकाप्टर दुर्घटनाग्रस्त हो गया है और हेलीकाप्टर में सवार सभी पांच यात्री मारे गये हैं जिसमें मुख्यमंत्री वाईएस राजशेखऱ रेड्डी भी शामिल हैं. शव बुरी तरह से जले हुए हैं और हेलीकाप्टर राख और टुकड़ों में ही बचा है. पूरा हेलीकाप्टर जलकर राख हो चुका है. करनूल जिला मुख्यालय से 40 किलोमीटर दूर रूराकोदुर में एक 800 फीट ऊंची पहाड़ी के साथ टकराने से हेलीकाप्टर और उसमें बैठे सभी यात्री सदा सदा के लिए समाप्त हो गये.

मुख्यमंत्री का बेल-430 हेलीकाप्टर पहले भी उनके लिए जानलेवा साबित होते होते बचा था. लेकिन बुधवार को मुख्यमंत्री ने अपनी यात्रा के लिए दोबारा इसी हेलीकाप्टर को क्यों चुना जांच के लिए यह बहुत अहम सवाल होगा. मुख्यमंत्री सूखा प्रभावित इलाकों का औचक निरीक्षण करना चाहते थे. इसलिए उन्होंने तय किया कि बिना जिला प्रशासन को सूचना दिये वे इलाके का दौरा करेंगे और सूखे की स्थिति तथा राहत कार्य का जायजा लेंगे. इसलिए उनकी यह यात्रा (अब, अंतिम यात्रा) गोपनीय रखी गयी थी. उनकी यात्रा के लिए बेल-430 हेलीकाप्टर को चुना गया जो कि पिछले एक साल से बेगमपेट हवाई अड्डे के हैंगर में धूल फांक रहा था. आंध्र एविएशन से जुड़े अधिकारी अब कह रहे हैं कि मुख्यमंत्री की यात्रा कराने वाला हेलीकाप्टर आगस्था वेस्टलैण्ड 139 साल भर अनवर काम करने के बाद सर्विस के लिए गया हुआ था इसलिए मुख्यमंत्री ने बेल-430 हैलीकाप्टर में यात्रा की. फिर सवाल यह है कि बुधवार को ही यह हेलीकाप्टर वापस कैसे आ गया और मुख्यमंत्री को खोजने के काम में लगा दिया गया?

निश्चित रूप से यह टालनेवाला सवाल नहीं है. येदुगिरी सान्दिती राजशेखर रेड्डी न केवल प्रदेश के कद्दावर नेता थे बल्कि सोनिया गांधी के अति विश्वसनीय और करीबी नेता भी थे. और सबसे ऊपर वे एक प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री थे. उनकी यात्रा को लेकर कोई राज्य सरकार इतनी संवेदनहीन कैसे हो सकती है कि जिस हेलीकाप्टर को साल भर पहले रिटार कर दिया गया हो और जो हैंगर में खड़ा धूल फांक रहा हो उसमें उनकी सबसे दुर्गम यात्रा का नियोजन कर दे? क्या यह सिर्फ मानवीय चूक और प्रशासनिक लापरवाही है? अगर ऐसा है तो क्यों? वाईएसआर की मौत के बाद यही सबसे बड़ा सवाल है जिसकी गहराई से जांच होनी चाहिए.

Courtesy:
visfot.com

Assembly elections in Maharashtra, Haryana, Arunachal Pradesh on Oct.13

dalitmuslims — Fri, 04 Sep 2009 08:30:00 +0000

New Delhi: Election Commission of India (ECI) on Monday announced Electronic Voting Machines will be used in all the three States -Maharashtra, Haryana, and Arunachal Pradesh that undergo elections on October 13.

The single-phased elections will be held for total 438 State Assembly seats– 288 (Maharashtra), 90 (Haryana), and 60 (Arunachal).

Addressing a press conference, Chief Election Commissioner Naveen Chawla said that the three States of Maharashtra, Haryana, and Arunachal Pradesh will undergo Assembly elections of October 13 and the counting will be held on October 22.

“The decision has been taken after considering the all the factors including public holidays, academic calendar, climatic conditions, time required to deployment of forces etc”, he added.

The voting will be done through Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). Use of any religious place for election campaigning and seeking votes on the basis of religion or Jaati will amount to violation of code of conduct for elections, the CEC said.

The notification of the election would be issued on September 18, the last day for filing of nomination will be September 25, scrutiny of nomination will be held n September 26, and the last day for withdrawing of nomination will be September 29.

The election process will complete on October 25.

The Election Commissioned also prohibited police personnel or officials from being appointed in their home cities.

Chawla said the election Commission has decided to hold the election as per the electoral roll prepared for the General elections held in May. But still the commission has decided to hold a special round of revision as per 1-1-2009.

“No official having a controversial record will be appointed during the poll process,” said the CEC.

Over 7, 55,000 people in Arunachal Pradesh, 1,20,63,000 in Haryana, and over 7,56,34,000 people are registered in the electoral roles.

The election commission will set up 2,061 booths I Arunachal Pradesh, 12,894 in Haryana and 82,028 booths in Maharashtra for the polling.

The Election Commission has also directed its all State Election Boards to start help lines for public.

There are 82,028 (Maharashtra), 12,894 (Haryana), and 2,061 (Arunachal Pradesh) polling centres in the three states.

The percentage of people having voter identity cards in three States is 67 % (Maharashtra), 99% (Haryana), and 87 % (Arunachal Pradesh).

Chawla said a camera will be installed in each and every polling booth and the CD will remain with the custody of the District Election Officer (DEO). Any individual, who would like to have a copy of the CD, can get the same from the DEO by paying the prescribed fee.

He also asked the DEO to retain a master copy of the CD, so that it will help the commission to produce the details in case of any writs were filed in the court relating the election disputes.

-ANI