Indian Dalit Muslims Voice (IDMV) was launched on July 22, 2008 to provide a platform to discuss issues concerning Indian Dalit Muslims. The idea is to call upon, engage and connect to fellow Indian Dalit Muslims in a constructive dialogue about issues dear to them ranging from social exclusion, caste-based discrimination, ethnicity, religious status, their progress from past till to date and in near future and hurdles on the path thereon.
To broaden the perspective on Indian Dalit Muslim’s rights and status by challenging the longstanding practice of unfairness and chauvinism. To overcome the ignorance in the knowledge pertaining to multidimensional issues of complex and patriarchy based Indian Muslim socio-cultural environment. To provide a definite and explicit voice to the Indian Dalit Muslims by articulating their concerns and distress towards restructuring their growth and development while synchronizing and maintaining a harmonious relationship with all other Indians. To establish a true and genuine Indian Dalit Muslims standpoint on various matters of concern on national front.
A piece of contribution from your side, will be highly appreciated. For any queries, regarding posting of articles relating to Indian Dalit Muslims on this blog, please contact ondalitmuslims@gmail.com.
Archive for the ‘Dalit Muslims’ Category
About IDMV
Posted in About Us, Dalit Empowerment, Dalit Muslims, tagged About Us on September 7, 2009| Leave a Comment »
Assembly ratifies SC, ST reservation Bill
Posted in Dalit Muslims, OBC/Dalit Reservation on September 7, 2009| Leave a Comment »
Dalit-Muslim Movement
Posted in Dalit Movement, Dalit Muslims, Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari on September 7, 2009| Leave a Comment »
CIC, govt at odds over sensitive minority report
Posted in CIC, Dalit Christians, Dalit Muslims, MoMA, NCRLM on September 5, 2009| Leave a Comment »
Book Review: Hindustan Mein Zaat-Paat aur Musalman
Posted in Dalit Empowerment, Dalit Muslims, Indian Muslims - Current Affairs, Masood Alam Falahi on September 3, 2009| Leave a Comment »
Masood Alam Falahi
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Frank admission of caste among Muslims in North India
Reviewed by: M.A. DELVI, NO.8 – 3RD CROSS,
WILLIAMS TOWN EXTN.,BANGALORE 560 046
It is hazardous to review a book which has the ingredients and potentials of opening a pandora’s box. The book by Masood Alam Falahi falls under this category. To consider caste or social stratification in Muslim society is almost a taboo let alone study and follow its ramifications and impacts on society. The credit goes to Falahi to break this taboo and present this malady in all its crude nakedness. Although studies into the reasons for the persistence of Hindu caste structure, particularly among the middle and low caste converts to Islam were, studied in depth with uncertain results for the reason that the Muslim respondents refused to either admit such stratification or took defensive shelter behind Quranic injunctions. The concept of caste among the Indian Muslims with its attending disabilities and social stratification outside the Hindu fold is enigmatic and requires deeper studies. The book is very comprehensive and deals with the subject thoroughly which includes existence of this malady in the semitic religions in its rudiments.
TIPU’S GLORIOUS EXAMPLE
With the advent of Delhi Sultanate, the Muslim society as a state policy adopted the varna cult and thus evolved its own hierarchical caste system in terms of Ashraf, Ajlaf and Arzal which later consolidated into Syed, Sheikh, Mogul and Pathans.
Although in the beginning it was a pure artificial stratification conjured up in the courts of Sultanate for purposes of legitimisation which with the passage of time took roots and established itself as a reality. While the former two castes carry with it a pretentious claim the latter two connotes only their ethnic origin. Their respective ashrafiat ends there. The others were rubble and scum. What was most intriguing was the attitude of the historians of the time like Baruni to the present-day revered personalities like Sir Syed, ulemas of the stature of Moulana Ashraf Ali Thanavi and many others who not only condoned such practices but also practiced it.
It was the immigrants from Islamic lands who had monopolised and constituted the superstructure of power with the pretentious claims of Ashraf and the sultanate retained and patronised this social hierarchy for reasons of state craft. The natural fall-out was the formation of a rubble class outside this group. This artificial grouping was a contingency of state craft.
Since then Muslims live in two worlds. One an egalitarian where all are equal, the other the substratum which transcends the egalitarian sphere —an ideal Islam and a compromised Islam.
But the redeeming feature was the South wherein by and large these practices failed to get the required patronisation from the courts of Sultans. As a matter of fact it fell to the lot of the great saint-king Tipu Sultan to break up this conjured up caste hierarchy. His Ahmadi Risala consisting of converts were given the honorific prefix and affix of Syed and Khan to their names and were settled in his garrison towns all over his domain. In his administration the locals were given precedence over the migrants and for which he had to pay for by his life itself.
WELL-GUARDED SECRET
The one disappointing feature of the book happen to be its concluding chapter which failed to look beyond the Muslim conglomerate. It failed to provide any blueprint of action to break the barriers of religious borders and join hands with identically placed parallel section of the downtrodden and havenots in other societies on a revolutionary platform. The book deserves to be translated in other Indian languages preferably in English.
With the coming into print of the Basic Problem of OBC & Dalit Muslims, a well-guarded secret is out. That their exists large section within the fold of ummah who leads a subhuman status and who in the eyes of their ulemas do not deserve to be counted as Muslims at all. This in spite of projecting Islam as an egalitarian religion with its lofty quranic injunctions. The book has been scholarly edited by A.H. Ansari [Dr. Fazlur Rahman Farooqi Faridi, editor of Zindagi-E-Nau,New Delhi] and the articles have been contributed to this volume by persons of eminence in their respective field ranging from academics to social scientists and political activists. Each of the article contributed is a treat in itself.
The principal role of class and caste in a religious conglomerate is the principal variable in a social structure of the community.
The Indian Muslim society is divided both vertically and horizontally and these divisions determine the society’s interaction between various groups.
It is to be noted that the caste structure obtaining among Muslims, especially in the cow belt, is by and large analogus to the hierarchical principle or a replica of Hindu caste system with all the attending disabilities. This in spite of the egalitarian and lofty Islamic principles of equality. The social structure formalised with an Ashraf caste on the top during the Sultanate period continued unabashedly post-mutiny as well. Its greatest protagonists range from Sir Syed Ahmed to plethora of ulemas including figures like Moulana Ashraf Ali Thanavi.
With India attaining “independence” and in its wake migration of a predominant section of Ashraf to Pakistan leaving behind the less fortunate to tend their own future there appeared a mobility not seen at any earlier time.
The political and social convulsions in Pakistan can be attributed to these Ashraf migrants coupled with the ulema combine are sufficient enough to bring its end sooner than later.
There is a subtle shift in this intercaste and intra-caste mobility as it is providing an impetus for interaction with the parallel categories of caste and class in other religious groups. This happen to be a welcome sign in a pluralistic society. Now the term OBC and Dalit which was earlier being used exclusively in respect of “Hindu caste” is now transformed into a class distinction for the Muslim sections of parallel caste or class. This progressive attitude transcending religious barrier is a welcome sign.
The most welcome feature of the book being its progressive outlook and a blueprint of action in a pluralistic society. The bold and rebellious exposures of the dark niche, the recesses and the cobwebs crowding the minds of the leadership of the community coupled with exposing the hypocrisy of assertion of equality but practicing an attitude of almost untouchability is the welcome feature.
Perhaps it may go a long way in jolting out the political and religious leadership from their smug attitude. Both books are a welcome addition on a subject very rarely traversed.
1. HINDUSTHAN MEIN ZATPATH AUR MUSSALMAN
(In India, caste & Muslims)
Masood Alam Falahi
Al-QaziAbdul Fazl Enclave, New Delhi – 110 025
2. BASIC PROBLEMS OF OBC & DALIT MUSLIMS
Ashfaq Hussain Ansari
Serial Publications, New Delhi
Air tragedy in Andhra Pradesh: CM Reddy, defender of Christian/Muslim Dalits, dies
Posted in Dalit Christians, Dalit Muslims, YS Reddy on September 3, 2009| 4 Comments »
By Nirmala Carvalho
Hyderabad (AsiaNews) – The death of Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy, chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, leaves India without words. A 60 year old Christian and leading member of Congress, Reddy was considered one of the most influential long standing politicians of the country. The discovery of the wreckage of the helicopter in which he was travelling with four other people has removed all illusions for those who hoped that the news of the disappearance of the aircraft, relayed on the afternoon of September 2, would be denied.
“It’s really a sad day and I am deeply shocked” was the comment of Narayan Dutt Tiwari, Governor of the State. Mourning the sudden death of Reddy are not just the supporters of Congress and party colleagues and the government. The 8 million Christians in Indian state are also mourning the death of the chief minister.
Reached by AsiaNews, Mgr. Marampudi Joji, archbishop of Hyderabad, says: “The Church of Andhra Pradesh has lost a champion of the oppressed and a champion of the rights of Dalit Christians. Our chief minister understood their suffering and injustices they bore “
Reddy’s commitment to the so-called outcast was well known. Only a few days ago, on 26 August, he had sponsored a motion to the state’s official central government in New Delhi, asking that Christian Dalits be ensured the same rights as Hindu Dalits. The motion was passed by Andhra Pradesh parliament by a majority. The only opposition was from the fierce nationalists of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) .
“I lost a friend,” comments Msgr. Joji. “The Andhra Pradesh has enjoyed religious freedom. Here Christians can pray and practice their faith. Reddy has shown special attention to minorities, always acting according to the principle of the equality of all communities. “
In 2008, Reddy extended the schema used by the government to support Muslim pilgrims on their way to Mecca also to Christians who longed to visit the Holy Land.
The bishop of Hyderabad, describes the Chief Minister as “a model politician and leader. All have benefited from his inclusive politics, especially the poor and marginalized. He has never acted to discriminate on the basis of caste or creed”.
A Christian who was “never afraid to declare his faith”, Reddy was frequently threatened by extremist groups who did not accept his policy of equality.
Among his staunchest opponents were Hindu extremists, but also the Communist-Maoist rebel factions who for thirty years have been fomenting revolt in Andhra Pradesh between the peasants and the state. After the news first broke of the tragic air accident, some media reports had speculated that Maoist guerrillas were behind the helicopter crash. The Indian military authorities confirm however that the fatality was due to bad weather conditions in the area.
Courtesy:
AsianNews
Dalit slavery in India’s Hindu Raj
Posted in Dalit Muslims, Gujrat genocide, Indian Muslims - Current Affairs on September 2, 2009| Leave a Comment »
[The Gujarat Earthquake in the year 2001 and the consequent relief and rehabilitation programme was an eyeopener to the outside world regarding the deep seated caste bias in the Gujarati community apart from the much talked about bias against the minorities. There were reports that at places the relief and rehabilitation work bypassed the dalits and the Muslims.
The organised genocide of Muslims in the year 2002 at the behest of the Sangh Parivar organisations which was aided and abetted by the Modi government was another occasion when the travails and tribulations of the dalits came under further scrutiny. While a section of the dalits cooption in the Hindutva agenda and their metamorphosis as foot soldiers of the Hindutva brigade was duly reported, the Varna dominated media did not deem it necessary to emphasise some related facts. The genocide in Gujarat had also a little dalit blood accompanying it. The dalits lost 108 lives in Gujarat, 38 alone in the city of Ahmedabad. Quite a few of these deaths occurred due to the dalits resisting the Hindutva goons by siding with hapless Muslims.
Interestingly Babasaheb Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar had asked his followers to stop Hindu Raj becoming a reality at all costs.)
1.WHO EXHUMED THE BODY OF THE TWO PLUS YEAR OLD AND WHY ?
It was the year 2001 when Naresh Solanki’s two and half year old nephew died. The aggrieved family from Hooda village Palanpur block of Banaskantha district went and buried him in the community burial grounds. No sooner they reached home came the news that a Patel community member from the village had literally exhumed the body of the child with a tractor.For the powerful patels who had encroached on some part of land next to the burial ground had felt offended with the burial.
It has been more than seven years that the incident took place, the dalits of Hooda village are still waiting for allotment of some land for burial from the collector and the village panchayat since then, but to no avail.It was only last year that one community elder died the dalits had to carry his body to another village, where fortunately Dalits there had a separate graveyard. .
But can it be said that the problem of no land even for burials is limited to Hooda or it is a statewide phenomenon. A report carried by ‘Mail Today’ in the first week of Feb, 2009 had thrown light on the issue. It tells us that dalits are not allowed to use common burial grounds and are often forced to use a part of waste land near the villages as burial grounds. Absence of any legal entitlement forces them to be pushed out of such lands by dominant upper castes.
A survey conducted by Gujarat Rajya Grampanchayat Samajik Nyay Samiti Manch found out that ‘[o]ut of 657 villages in Gujarat, 397 villages do not have any designated land alloted for burial for dalits. Out of the 260 villages where land has been formally allotted, 94 have seen encroachments by the dominant castes and in 26 villages it is a lowlying area and therefore the ground gets waterlogged.
It would not be an exaggeration to say that when the question of burying the deads comes up, dalits share a strange commonality with the Muslims. Muslims share similar predicament when they find their graveyards getting encroached by the dominant classes. Few years back the Gujarat Highcourt had to intervene and ask the State government to post police personnel as attempts were on to encroach upon the graveyard of Muslims in Patan..
2. TELL YOUR CASTE, LOOSE YOUR HOUSE !
If the dead dalits have no place of dignity in ‘Hindu Rashtra’, one can just imagine the status of the living. One test could be househunting as a dalit in Ahmedabad – capital of ‘Hindu Rashtra’ in making.
The general experience is that if a Dalit approache a upper caste builder for accommodation, he is either directly discouraged or tacitly denied.It is immaterial even if the Dalit belongs to a sound economic background. For the builders and real estate agents, selling property to even one Dalit family in a society becomes detrimental to sales.
Perhaps it is a marker of the deeply entrenched Varna/caste mindset, which has supposedly received new lease of life after the 2002 carnage, one witnesses a unique trend in Ahmedabad where “only Dalit residential societies – around 300 of them” have come up in recent years. In a recent study done by the Express reporter he emphasised that it “.. not a matter of choice, but of compulsion.” (A Dalit? Go find a Dalit society D P Bhattacharya Ahmedabad, June 17, 2007)”
“Even if a Dalit can afford a flat in areas dominated by the upper castes, they are often denied by the builders or the seller,” retired IAS officer P K Valera, who lives in one such Dalit society in Ramdevnagar, says. Some social scientists say the alienation started since 1982, after the anti-reservation agitation, but agree that the caste and class distinctions have become more serious in recent years. This trend can be seen not only in the walled city but also in the posh areas of west Ahmedabad like Satellite, Vastrapur, Bodakdev, Ambavadi. Socio-political scientist Achyut Yagnik says, “There are more than 300 Dalit societies in the city. In Chandkheda alone, there are 200 societies, most of which have come up after the 2002 riots when people moved out from Gomtipur, Bapunagar and Dani limda area. You will find construction contractors who only build Dalit societies.”
Of course this near segregation of dalits to specific areas under the great umbrella of Hindu Unity, does not stop the Sangh Parivar to use the dalits for their sectarian agenda during elections and riots.Even a cursory glance at the the list of the dead and wounded in the riots makes it clear that one finds names of only Muslims and Dalits, rest of the other castes are nominal.
Interestingly a dalit from outside the state, whose caste surnames are not identificable in the mainstream apartments, can easily get into it.
3. LOOK THE OTHER WAY, WHILE RECRUITING TEACHERS
What is common between all the non-granted schools in Gujarat whose numbers hovers around 3255 according the website of the Gujarat State Secondary and Higher Secondary Education Board. A close study of these schools may reveal many similarities but the foremost thing over which they seem to be united is to violate the statutroy provisions of the Education act 1972. None of them follow these provisions of the Education act. while it is mandatory for such schools to adhere to norm. End result, only handful of teachers from the scheduled communities in all these schools
Under the provisions of the education act – 1972, it is mandatory for all the granted and non-granted schools to abide by the reservation policy while making recruitments. And the rule says that if any school is found to be violating its provisions then its registration can be cancelled. Experience shows that the rule is openly flouted by the non-granted schools. Interestingly the state government has no qualms in accepting that they can’t compel the schools to do it as they are not given any aid.
It was only last year that Indian Express ( Vadodara, May 26, 2008) carried a big expose about this ongoing scam where ‘Government looks the other way as schools flout recruitment norms for teachers.’ According to the social justice and empowerment department, which is supposed to supervise the implementation of the reservation policy, the simple reason for the statutory provisions of the act being not implemented is the absence of a roster reservation act.
Question naturally arises why the state has still not deemed it necessary to take effective steps to stop such malpractice
In fact, a RTI application filed by a leading social worker of Gujrat enquiring about the no of teachers who have been recruited by the non-granted schools under the reservation policy, led to this expose of details.Expressing concern over the state of affairs, the social worker demanded two things : Cancelling the registration of errant schools and punishing the officers who have been responsible for getting the policy implemented.
4. HANDLING ATROCITIES CASES ATROCIOUSLY
What is the rate of conviction of cases under the Prevention of Atrocity Act against SC/ST in Gujarat ? It is mere 2.5 per cent while rate of acquittal is 97.5 per cent. A 23 page confidential report submitted by the state Social Justice Department to the State Chief Secretary and legal departments provides glaring examples of ‘mishandling of cases registered under Prevention of Atrocities Act against SC/ST. (Express, Sep 15, 2006).
The report provides details of how cases are not investigated properly by the police and the hostile role played by public prosecutors during time of trials.
– Act clearly stipulates that offence which are registered under this act cannot be investigated by an officer below the rank of DySP but more than 4,000 such cases have been investigated by Police Inspector or Police Sub Inspector.
– Acquittal of the perpetrator because victim not identified as member of SC or ST community. Reason, not attaching caste certificate of the victim with the case papers
– Public prosecutors false claims before the courts that act has been modified by the state government altough it is known that it is a central act
– Granting of anticipatory bails although there is no such provision in the act. Interestingly the Parliamentary Committee on SC and ST affairs had also expressed concern over such anticipatory bails granted ‘in atrocity cases in the state of Gujarat’.
In fact a detailed and systematic study of 400 judgements done by Vajibhai Patel, Secretary of Council for Social Justice compelled the government to work on this 23 page report. This report tells us that utterly negligent police investigation at both the higher and lower levels coupled with a distinctly hostile role played by the public prosecutors is the main reason for the collapse of cases filed under the atrocities act. It is worth noting that he has meticulously documented these judgements delivered under this act since April 1, 1995 in the Special Atrocity Courts set up in 16 districts of the state. The study also blasts the common perception is that the inefficacy of this law is due to false complaints being lodged or compromises between the parties, in actuality it is a complicit State that has rendered the Act toothless.
Perhaps the whole state of affairs was a continuation of the situation as it existed there.
The National Crime Records Bureau had made an observation few years back which went unnoticed. Coming to atrocities against Dalits, Gujarat ranks third in the country after U.P. and Bihar. (Asian Age, 11 April 2003) It’s earlier record also revealed a distrubing picture of the ‘Vibrant Gujarat’. According to its 1998 report, the total no of atrocities against dalits in the country were 25,617. Of these, 8894 cases were registered in Gujarat alone. 28 cases of rapes of dalit women were recorded that year, which was seventh highest in the country.
But when it came to taking steps to check offences against the SCs and STs the BJP government did nothing. The special dalit courts envisaged in all districts under the SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 were still not a reality. Out of 26 districts of Gujarat, only 10 have been provided with special courts, although none of these 10 courts accord special status to dalit issues, according to Dalit activists. (same ref.)
5. AMBEDKAR’S PROGNOSIS
One can go on belching out statistics about Dalit’s situation as it exists in the first ‘Hindu Rashtra’ in Secular- Democratic India. Definitely our aim here is not to present a data bank on this theme.
Our main concern is to raise two points.
– Why the near secondary status granted to the dalits has not become an important issue in the anti-communal movement ?
– Why a section of dalits still feels enamoured about Hindutva, can it be said to be sign of its upward mobility within the Hindu religion or it is a marker of the hatred it had accumulated vis-a-vis the minority communities and getting ready to play out the Hindutva agenda on its own also.
It needs to be emphasised here that all over Gujarat one finds thousands and thousands of boards put at prominent places by one of the affiliates of the Sangh Parivar that ‘you are entering this or that locality of Hindu Rashtra’ which is completely illegal and an open proclamation of ’secession’ from the rest of the society.
At this juncture one thinks of Ambedkar’s prognosis vis-a-vis Hindu Rajya. In his book ‘Pakistan or Partition of India, page 358) written before partition of India, he clearly prophesises : “If Hindu Raj becomes a reality then it would be greatest menace to this country. Whatever may Hindus say, actually it does not make a difference that Hinduism is a danger to Independence, Equality and Brotherhood. Thus it is an enemy of democracy. We should make all out efforts to stop Hindu Raj from becoming a reality.” ( Pakistan or Partition of India, Page 358)
Is anybody listening ?
दर्द पर न हों हमदर्द
Posted in BJP, Dalit Muslims, Rajnath Singh on September 2, 2009| Leave a Comment »
शेष नारायण सिंह
एक मशहूर फिल्मी गीत है- तुम्हीं ने दर्द दिया है, तुम्हीं दवा देना। भला जो दर्द दे रहा है, अगर उसे दवा देना है तो वह दर्द ही क्यों देगा? यह गीत अपने जमाने में बहुत हिट हुआ था। असल जिंदगी में भी कभी-कभी ऐसा हो जाता है कि जो तकलीफ देता है, वह पछताता है और मरहम लगाने पहुंच जाता है लेकिन सियासत में ऐसा नहीं होता। राजनीति में जो दर्द देता है वह अगर दवा देने की कोशिश करता है तो उसे व्यंग्य माना जाता है।
इसलिए जब राजस्थान की यात्रा पर गए प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने कहा कि बीजेपी की अस्थिरता लोकतंत्र के लिए ठीक नहीं है तो बात का अलग असर हुआ। उनका कहना था कि मजबूत लोकतंत्र के लिए सभी राजनीतिक पार्टियों में स्थिरता होनी चाहिए। बात तो ठीक थी। कहीं कोई गलती नहीं है लेकिन बीजेपी के अध्यक्ष राजनाथ सिंह बुरा मान गए। उन्होंन प्रधानमंत्री को एक चिट्ठी लिख दी कि भाई, आप अपना काम देखिए देश में सूखा पड़ा है, उसको संभालिए, हमारी चिंता छोड़ दीजिए। बीजेपी अपने गठन के बाद से सबसे कठिन दौर से गुजर रही है, उसके शीर्ष नेतृत्व में विश्वास का संकट चल रहा है, कौन किसको कब हमले की जद में ले लेगा, बता पाना मुश्किल है। तिकड़म के हर समीकरण पर मैकबेथ की मानसिकता हावी है सभी एक दूसरे पर शक कर रहे हैं। ऐसी हालत में प्रधानमंत्री की बीजेपी का शुभचिंतक बनने की कोशिश, राजनाथ सिंह को अच्छी नहीं लगी। शायद उनको लगा कि मनमोहन सिंह ताने की भाषा का इस्तेमाल कर रहे हैं और वे नाराज हो गए। उनकी पार्टी के प्रवक्ता ने इस घटना को अपनी रूटीन प्रेस कान्फ्रेंस में भी बताया और टीवी चैनलों ने इस को दिन भर चलाया और मजा लिया। ज़ाहिर है कि खबर में जितना रस था सब बाहर आ चुका है और बीजेपी का मीडिया चित्रण एक खिसियानी बिल्ली का हो चुका है जो कभी कभार खंबे वगैरह भी नोच लेती है।
सवाल यह उठता है कि बीजेपी के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष और पार्टी प्रवक्ता ने मनमोहन सिंह के उस मामूली से बयान को इतना संवेदनशील क्यों मान लिया। जहां उन्होंने यह बयान दिया था उसी प्रेस कानफ्रेंस में उनसे कंधार और जसवंत सिंह के आडवाणी के झूठ बोलने के आरोपों पर भी सवाल पूछे गए थे जिनको उन्होंने टाल दिया। लगता है, प्रधानमंत्री मुश्किल के दौर से गुजर रही बीजेपी का मज़ाक उड़ाना नहीं चाहते थे। क्योंकि अगर उनका इरादा ऐसा होता तो आडवाणी और कंधार प्रकरण पर ही कुछ चोट पहुंचाने वाली बात कह देते। इन मुद्दों पर बीजेपी खुद रक्षात्मक मुद्रा में है और मीडिया इससे जुड़ी किसी भी खबर को लपक ले रहा है। ज़ाहिर है कि प्रधानमंत्री की नीयत पर शक करना ठीक नहीं है। लेकिन बीजेपी की स्थिरता की बात करके प्रधानमंत्री ने जले पर नमक छिड़का, कम से कम बीजेपी के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष यही मानते हैं। और उन्होंने प्रधानमंत्री के बयान पर तीखी प्रतिक्रिया दे दी। एक मामूली सी बात पर गुस्सा वही होते हैं जो बहुत परेशान होते हैं। इस बारीकी को समझने के लिए मनोविज्ञान का जानकार होने की ज़रूरत है।
हम मनोविज्ञान नहीं जानते इसलिए हम इस बात को राजनीति के व्याकरण से समझने की कोशिश करेंगे। डा. राही मासूम रज़ा के कालजयी उपन्यास क्वआधा गांवं में गाजीपुर जिले के गंगौली गांव का ज़िक्र है। उपन्यास आज़ादी से पहले के 30 और 40 के दशक से होता हुआ 50 के दशक में प्रवेश करता है। गंगौली उस दौर में वहां के ज़मींदार सैय्यदों का गांव था। ज़मींदारों के सामंती संस्कार थे, ऊंच नीच, जात पांत की बातें आम थीं। खानदान के ही किसी व्यक्ति ने एक ऐसी महिला से शादी कर ली जो पहले रहमान नाम के आदमी की पत्नी थी और अलग हो गई थी। गंगौली के ज़मीदारों के परिवार में शादी के बाद परिवार ने उसे अपने परिवार में स्वीकार नहीं किया, उस महिला को पूरा खानदान रहमान बो (रहमान की पत्नी) कह कर ही संबोधित करता रहा। उनको लगता था कि उस मामूली औरत ने इनके खानदान में शादी करके ऐसा काम किया है, जो उसे नहीं करना चाहिए था। सभी मानते थे कि उसने घुसपैठ किया है। लगता है बीजेपी वाले भी डा. मनमोहन सिंह को घुसपैठिया मानते हैं। और उनकी किसी भी बात को छोटे मुंह बड़ी बात कहकर टालने के चक्कर में रहते हैं। इसीलिए लोकतंत्र के लिए ज़रूरी राजनीतिक पार्टियों की स्थिरता की बात पर बहुत नाराज हो गए। राजनाथ सिंह की इस प्रतिक्रिया को समझने के लिए बीजेपी के पिछले पांच साल के उन बयानों पर गौर करना ज़रूरी है जो उसने मनमोहन सिंह के बारे में दिए हैं।
बीजेपी आज भी मानती है कि मनमोहन सिंह को प्रधानमंत्री नहीं बनना चाहिए क्योंकि वह सीट तो बीजेपी के प्रधानमंत्री पद के उम्मीदवार की है। जब 2004 में बीजेपी वालों की धमकी से डरकर सोनिया गांधी ने मनमोहन सिंह को प्रधानमंत्री पद पर बैठाया था, तबसे लालकृष्ण आडवाणी और उनके साथी संगती उन्हें कमजोर प्रधानमंत्री कहते आए हैं। 2009 के चुनाव तक आडवाणी और उनकी पार्टी को विश्वास था कि अगर कांग्रेस जीत भी गई तो भी प्रधानमंत्री पद पर तो मनमोहन सिंह नहीं बैठेंगे। लेकिन उनकी हर उम्मीद गलत निकली। मनमोहन सिंह प्रधानमंत्री हैं अब बीजेपी में सभी मानते हैं कि उनको कमजोर कहना रणनीतिक गलती थी। इस पृष्ठभूमि में अगर बीजेपी की सिरफुटौव्वल को देखा जाये तो राजनाथ सिंह की चिट्ठी का मर्म समझ में आ जाएगा क्योंकि बीजेपी जैसी पवित्र राजनीतिक पार्टी वाले अभी भी मनमोहन सिंह को सत्ता की दावेदारी की राजनीति का घुसपैठिया मानते हैं, रहमान बो मानते हैं। सामंती मानसिकता, को समझने वाला कोई भी व्यक्ति बता देगा कि बड़े लोग छोटे लोगों को मुंह नहीं लगाते, किसी रहमान बो से उपदेश नहीं सुनते। यही बीजेपी के बड़े नेताओं की विडंबना है। वे मनमोहन सिंह को स्वीकार करने को भी तैयार नहीं है और अब उनको चुनौती देने की हैसियत भी गंवा रहे हैं क्योंकि इतने मतभेद के बाद बीजेपी अगर एक पार्टी के रूप में बच भी जाती है तो किसी को राजनीतिक चुनौती देने की स्थिति में तो बहुत बाद में ही आ सकेगी।
Courtesy:
http://www.visfot.com
A Paradigm Shift
Posted in Casteism Among Muslims, Dalit Muslims, Descrimination, Seharworddin Khan on September 1, 2009| 6 Comments »
Recently I met a visionary, a real fighter who is fighting for freedom! His support base is growing exponentially! They are poised to free our society from dark evils of casteism! He is none other than our friend Shahanshah Ansari ( www.dalitmuslims.com )!
Prior to that meet, in the past few times I came across write ups or talks that Brahminical Social Order (castes-sub castes- one could be socially high or Low due to ones birth) exists among Indian Muslims! Each time I rubbished it off labeling it a conspiracy to divide Indian Muslims! How wrong I was!
We met over Aftaar which was supposed to be an affair of half an hour but the discussion lasted few hours! The changes that discussion brought on; was colossal! I never expected followers of Islam; which earned a name for egalitarianism and attracted conversions all over the globe and turned in to more than one and half billion strong today; had copied the hated BSO(Brahminical Social Order) so devilishly in North India!! Brave Mulniwasi who embraced Islam in defiance of exploitive BSO are still in the same caste and still suffering from so called Brahmins (Shaikh-Syed etc) among Muslims!
It is a mater of shame!
What is more surprising- the intellectuals who support this hated system had written books in support and had quoted “Hadeeth”!
The worse is: Muftis who rush to issue Fatwas on nonsensical subjects never bothered to say a word on this Satanic practice!!
Here I would prefer to quote our beloved Prophet’s (PBUH) own words from his “Last Sermon”:
“All mankind is from Adam and Eve, an Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab nor a non-Arab has any superiority over an Arab; also a white has no superiority over black nor a black has any superiority over white except by piety and good action. Learn that every Muslim is a brother to every Muslim and that the Muslims constitute one brotherhood. “
Sooner these micro minority Brahmins (Shaikh-Syed) among Muslim learn to respect every Muslim as brother; better for them!
Govt can play a very uplifting role here.Today the SC/ST/OBC has grown far better compared what was there status in 1947! This is due to reservation! Why the same formulae not been applied to Dalit Muslims in secular social democratic republic of India!
Do give it a serious thought!
Seharworddin Khan
Jeddah, Saudi Arabia
PIL in Supreme Court for Dalit Muslims
Posted in Copy of PIL in SC for Dalit Muslims, Dalit Muslims, Dalit Muslims Case in SC, Indian Muslims - Current Affairs, Muslim Empowerment on August 31, 2009| Leave a Comment »
Part – 1
http://www.dalitmuslims.com/2009/07/copy-of-petition-in-supreme-court-for.html
Part – II
http://www.dalitmuslims.com/2009/07/copy-of-petition-in-supreme-court-for_18.html
Part – III
http://www.dalitmuslims.com/2009/07/copy-of-petition-in-supreme-court-for_19.html
Part – IV
http://www.dalitmuslims.com/2009/07/copy-of-petition-in-supreme-court-for_30.html
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